Thursday, 5 February 2015

Why isn't there an Indian green party ?

How/why, four decades after Chipko and Silent Valley, is there still not even a regional green party in India, let alone a national one? And how might someone like Gandhi think about this strange impasse, given the sheer gravity of the agro-ecological situation? After all, it is civilisation itself which is at peril.

Let us first handle one issue, the one about "compactness", which some argue accounts for green parties in countries like Germany. Skeptically considered, one would be led to ask whether all compact countries have green parties and no large, widespread country has one. The point is made by a contrast between Singapore (which still does not have a green party) and Brazil (which does for over 25 years now). India's story is of course more complex than each such extreme case. But my question still is, how come a Himalayan green party - linking issues from Chipko and Tehri to Teesta and Subansiri - has not come about in these last few decades? 

Could it have something to do with how politics has traditionally been framed in India? I think it would be fair to say that the Indian political imagination may be out of phase with modern ecological history and context. And this may have something to do with the fact that our political landscape has been all but lazily plagiarised from early 20th century Europe (without due upgradation or reconsideration in light of our own better knowledge of our past and present). Our political episteme itself is compromised in the process. India's liberals created a Congress modelled on the Whigs of Britain, the Communists modelled themselves after the Marxists there, and the Hindu communalists after their Fascist heroes abroad. I believe that mainstream Indian politics has stagnated after independence for all the reasons that haven't changed since Rajni Kothari's 'Poltics in India' (1970) appeared. The 'Congress System' has become even more decadent with the passage of time, the real steep fall coming rather rapidly after the pogrom against Sikhs in 1984. About the only slim and slender gain that might accrue in the public sphere from Modi's 2014 victory is the possibility of a proper indigenisation of the Indian political imagination - provided someone finds the courage and public intelligence to stand for Swaraaj. 

I told Arvind Kejriwal a year ago, when he was CM-1, that if he did intend to fight Lok Sabha, he should present the following alternatives to the people, keeping in view AAP's ideology of Swaraaj: "Vote for the assassins of Gandhi, the traitors of the Gandhi, or the followers of Gandhi". I was shocked when he said he could not do that! Even in this Delhi campaign he has not dared to do it. And without this extra moral courage, I do not believe the terms of politics will change from within the electoral scheme of things. More likely they will head Right, possibly even with Kejri at the helm! Let us not underestimate the power of the sheer momentum of two decades of consolidation of corporate feudalism in this country!

Likewise, in all our policy recommendations to AAP last year, we said that all economic policy henceforth should be made in an integrated manner with environmental policy, within a long-term horizon of 'Harit Swaraaj' (I am at work on a paper on it for the WSF and for a volume that Ashish is editing). I even suggested a 'Harit Swaraaj Sangh' (HSS), with its slogan of "Dharti Maata ki Jai!" to challenge the RSS slogan of "Bharat Maata". I believe that such an initiative will have wide resonance in many parts of the country - like J&K, HP, Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, Odisha, Goa, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and possibly others. Land, water and forest struggles are taking place everywhere I have visited during the last 8 years. The time for electoral ecological politics has been here for sometime (at least since Medha first appeared on the horizon), but no one has dared to take the plunge. As Gandhiji said of Christianity, to succeed, it will have to be tried out. My feeling is that it has to be happen in one or two places, for a domino effect to be unleashed. This is a largely safety-first conservative country, where to try something new, most people want guaranteed success first!

The other point about a green agenda emerging from only a science/theory/education/literacy-based culture could also be doubted. If there can be a land/water/forest-based movement in so many parts of the country, then why not also a political party? I think the key link issue here is livelihood. More and more people and places are making the link between loss of habitat and loss of livelihood - with no equivalent compensation in terms of remunerative and dignified employment. (I am going tomorrow for a couple of talks to Allahabad, to speak at the inauguration of a 'Beej Yatra' and at a PUCL seminar on 'Tikaau Vikaas' - where these issues will be in the foreground.) 

Also pertinent is the question of money-based economies and the inflation that comes with them. This, I believe, will take more time. Money is a more abstract and complex matter to understand and even if every Macroeconomics text has to admit that inflation is a form of (usually upward) redistribution of (real) wealth and income, it is hardly understood as such by masses (or even political parties or folks in the media) in this country - though they so evidently feel the pinch of higher prices, esp in the cities. 

As far as education goes, there are regions of this country I have visited - in Odisha, Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh especially - where the level of 'habitat literacy' is incomparably higher than it is in educated, metropolitan India, or even in Germany. The cognitive awareness of Adivasi communities in so many places is still profound, where it has had some breathing space from the juggernaut still. (Think, for instance, of the Jarawas who saved themselves from the Tsunami by following the animals to the highlands, while Swedish tourists perished on the beaches of the Andamans. Or think of the adivasi elderly women to whom the drug and pharma companies go looking for herbs to patent. Why don't they go to MS Swaminadhan or Amartya Sen?) I find agrarian communities - especially the generation born before 1975 or so - also ecologically far more literate than downtown India. 

I believe strongly that Gandhi and Rabindranath have to brought to the centre of political-cultural-economic discourse in this country. If educated politicos in this country begin to heed their own ecological and cultural contexts rather than relying on a dated vision from the West, a lot would change. But McCaulay has had more of an impact on them than on the Babus, one would imagine!

Related to all this is also the fact that Indians - far more so than most cultures, and in a mode of colonial imitation, more thoroughly than Westerners - have reduced everything to politics. We are an over-politicised people. It has made us prisoners of the illusions spawned by that greatest of monsters of modernity - the modern State. This is the sort of thing that had been feared by men as otherwise divergent in their views as Gandhi, Rabindranath and Vivekananda. It is time we redressed this profound imbalance in our culture, return to realms of the spirit both individually and together, and forge new visions from compassion and community, freedom and creativity. Justice will follow.

Wednesday, 4 February 2015

Chanakyapuri ka Chaiwalla

Fact is at least as strange as fiction. I want to share a little experience from last week. Some friends in Bangalore requested me to submit papers for their visas to Pakistan at their High Commission here in Delhi. 

Here is what happened:

I approach a well-locked Gate #1 of the magnificent blue-domed building of the PHC at 3.50 pm (the office closes at 4 pm), thanks to a traffic snarl, which delayed me by 30 minutes. As I approach, there is only a commando with a Kalashnikov pointing straight at me...I smile and ask him where I could submit the visa papers. He gestures towards a tiny one-foot-square window...I find it too quite shut...however there is a marbled-eyed man with a long, flowing beard knocking on the window from the inside..."rukiye!", he screams at me just as I am about to turn away...he then opens the window, examines the papers, shakes his head and says, "aap ko saare papers jamaa karne padenge...bank slips kahaan hain?!" (I am thinking, wouldn't it be nice to have the Kalashnikov with me right now?!) 

So I was meant to go to the Malcha Marg Standard-Chartered counter and pay INR240 and obtain two bank slips...I say your website says no such thing...as my heart starts to sink again, he says "koi baat nahin, aap woh agli gali jo dikh rahi hai, wahaan se right ho jaayein, ek phal-waali baithi hogi...usse aap doh yellow slips khareed lein"...and I am thinking "what sort of hustle is this?" So I sprint, since barely 5 minutes are left for the deadline to expire (and Monday would be too late for my friends to make the trip)...turn right after 50 yards...no phalwaali!...instead some half a dozen pathaan women waiting for their stamped passports. They see me in despair and say "kya baat hai beta?" I tell them what I need...they say they do not know where the woman is...but they point to a little boy who might know, since he cleans the sidewalk. The boy says the lady is there only in the morning...damn! But there is always hope for the despairing in our land...the boy quickly adds, "lekin koi baat nahin, aap woh road ke aakhir tak jaayenge (300 metres or so), toh ek chaiwaala milega...us se mil lijiyega." I am stunned...I always knew the West did not understand the idea of free markets (we did)...here was more surprising proof of my prejudice! 

So I sprint another 300 metres in my dapper Clark shoes and blue jacket...make it to the end of the road (literally and otherwise)...but while there is a tea-kiosk, there is no chaiwaalla...more panic, since it is now almost 4 pm! I hear a helpful shriek from a distance..."rukiye sir, main abhi aaya!" Then he asks "kitne slips chahiye?" I mutter three (thought I'd keep one as a souvenir!)...he asks for Rs.100 more money than I had calculated. His explanation: "Sir, hamaara bhi toh commission hoga na!" Commission next to the High Commission...My heart melts and I give him a tip on top...he is delighted.

On the way back I encounter the elderly pathaan ladies again...from my sprint they can tell, I am half-way to my manzil...they smile and one of them says "Allah sabka khayaal rakhta hai!" I nod in profuse gratitude... 

I run back to the window near Gate #1. It is almost 4.10...the window tightly shut...this time I take bold and do the knocking myself...the man with the Talibanesque beard appears, opens the window and is finally happy with the yellow slips and the papers...

"Monday ko Mr.Sajjad ko doh baje phone kar ke poochhiye ki Karachi Literary Festival waale vise lag gaye hain ki nahi." 

Lag gaye thhe!



Columns on globalisation and development

During 2004-11, I used to write an occasional column on globalisation and development for the Pune website, infochangeindia.org. Some 35-odd articles I wrote during this period are available from this website:

http://infochangeindia.org/globalisation/rethinking-development/



Sunday, 25 January 2015

Ulhas Kashalkar

This is a superbly researched essay on the life and work of one of our most accomplished living musicians!


"Kashalkar is a rare combination: an uncompromising purist as a performer who is wholly free of dogma as a teacher. “Many musical styles will flourish,” he said. “Amir Khan had a serious, introspective style, while Bade Ghulam Ali Khan’s was more aggressive. That is how it should be. Each of them will appeal to different audiences. As long as there are no gimmicks, all styles are fine. But if you have adopted a certain approach and that does not make you hugely popular, then you should not begin changing it for that reason. You have to be prepared that you may not get crowds and a large number of performances.”"





Friday, 23 January 2015

The Impasse of Development: Some Questions and Answers

I visited the Indian Institute of Management, Ahmedabad on January 19-21, 2015. I gave two interrelated lectures on The Impasse of Globalized Development in India and The Way Out: Ecological Democracy. I copy below my responses to a set of questions sent to me by a student who attended the talks. The questions pertain to the ecology and political economy of development as it unfolds aggressively in India.

Dear Saritha,

Thanks for your questions and apologies for this delayed response. I got back to Delhi just yesterday.

My responses are in brown font below. Hope they answer your queries.

I am marking the mail to Prof. Ankur Sarin and his colleagues. Other students may have similar questions, in which case this mail could be forwarded to them.

Good wishes,
aseem



On 20 January 2015 at 00:01, Saritha Sudharmma Vishwanathan <sarithasv@iimahd.ernet.in> wrote:
Dear Professor,
I was the student that asked about agriculture can gain respect when it has become polluted due to unsustainable use (example Punjab).
I had the following questions from today's lecture:
1. Initially you narrate the discourse of development, how the word was coined; however is it not describing a dominant discourse? Do we not have other forms of development? like ecocentric form which you talked in the later half of the session. What are the other discourses around development during earlier or the same time period?


​Of course there are many other discourses of 'development'. And lots of interesting books on the topic. We discuss and critique the dominant discourse in our book simply because when all is said and done, and whenever a choice is to be made, it prevails over all the alternatives. I have answered your question at length in this article:


I will also ask you to have a good look at Gilbert Rist's excellent book 'A History of the Idea of Development', as well as the work of Korean economist Ha-Joon Chang. 

​

2. Occupational freedom: Kerala government is presently incentivizing youth to take up agriculture. In contrast, when I visited a village SIR near the outskirts of Ahmedabad last year, youth prefer leaving the village for better living and job prospects in town. We have two extremes in addition to village to village migration you mentioned in the class. What is your perspective of youth in India today from your travels?


​The motivations of youth vary a lot and my experience is not too dissimilar to yours. But one has to recognise the degree to which such motivations are influenced by state policies, state propaganda, the propaganda of the corporate media (working also thru peer pressure) etc. The reason why many state governments are having to incentivize agriculture is because the economics of small farming has been deliberately and systematically run down for three decades (see Chapter 6 of 'Churning the Earth' for a detailed analysis) to serve the interests of global agribusiness, apart from the routine neglect of things like irrigation. So, very bad policies have provided a real basis for the view which has now taken hold, and not just among rural youth, that "there is no money in farming." If so, how does the money return the moment large agribusinesses gain entry into agriculture? Global economics has quietly conspired with Indian caste/status prejudices to make farming unattractive. As I said, there is little hope unless this trend is reversed. And it is possible to do so with only a slightly more enlightened leadership than the one we have today.. 


3. Oil Imports will increase in the coming years. There is a shift towards solar and other renewable sources of energy as compared to earlier projections. Technology will play an essential role in terms of efficiency and sustainability in this aspect. Behavior also plays an important role. When you talk about ecological democracy ..you are talking about a paradigm shift in how we approach problems?


​Of course... Technology will continue to play a key role. The question is what kind ​of technology it will be and what will guide key technological choices. Will the short-term commercial calculus of energy corporations (working thru state policies) continue to drive such decisions? Or will long-term criteria of ecological sustainability enable us to make the choices, and if so, what publicly accountable institutional mechanisms will make this possible? If the past continues to repeat itself, I am afraid we are facing runaway climate change and all the downsides of peak oil etc. If business-as-usual is not allowed and the policy imagination is widened and deepened to allow other possibilities - which will necessarily mean that energy majors will take hits on their bottom lines - then there is a future. I suggested that ecological democracy is a political imperative to allow such rational public choices.


4. You also mentioned about decisions to be taken democratically. We have a constitution that talks about individual right when India can be argued to be living as a collective society. With collective rights - what happens to women, children? Is the collective full of vested interests or you are talking about a democratic collective? can this be possible? Will there be a devils' advocate and also voice for the future generation (future say 7th generation)?


​Your question is a very good one. But also difficult to address in the abstract, independent of a concrete social context of an actual community.​ It is true that in India the Constitution guarantees (mostly) individual rights. In this sense, the polity is oriented towards the individual citizen. But the dominant mode of social identity is still the community (the 'biradiri' in North India), the source of no end of conflict between the legal and the actual! (This is very, very different from the West, where a British PM could win three successive elections, while claiming that 'there is no such thing as society', a statement which would disqualify even a panchayat election candidate in India!) Despite all, I look upon community in India as an asset, from an ecological perspective, though I am fully aware that 'the community' can neither be fetishised nor glorified. Much actual work needs to be done in practical contexts to make community life somewhat less inequitable. The democratisation of the collective, as you put it, is surely in order. But before you democratise a collective you need an actual community! The State, for instance, cannot democratise a collective from the top, and out of thin air, as is the wish of many liberals. As my Facebook metaphor tries to say, the quiet workings of a corporate-dominated market has been rapidly eroding community life across the world, including India, especially in recent decades, because of the speed of digital technology. It has become hard to visualise how communities can be resurrected under such conditions. And yet, as our book outlines in Part II, there are some very instructive experiments unfolding around the country (and the world). It remains to be understood how in a culture like ours, communities continue to survive - if not thrive - despite such enormity of pressure on them from the State and the market.

Also, by no stretch do I mean to imply that collective rights must come at the expense of the individual. The two must go together, and for me, they do. The original meaning of the word 'individual' (from the European 12th century) is "that which cannot be divided." The individual, Aristotle writes in 'Ethics', can only flourish and come into his/her own if s/he has a community to live in/with. Modernity has failed to grasp this important point.

And yes, your point about 'the seventh generation' is an all too pertinent one. Institutional mechanisms can be devised, within the framework of an ecological democracy to adhere to Gandhi's principle of 'the last man'. One way of speaking about ecological democracy in an authentic, Indian way is as 'Harit Swaraaj'. I claim that it is not only necessary for our civilisational survival, it is infinitely more possible to achieve it than the market utopia of the neo-liberals, where everyone has a car and a condo on the beach. That is literally impossible!


5. Environment Regulation vs Attitudinal/Behavior change. Are you hopeful of attitudinal change towards energy conscious behavior, pro-enviromental behavior will happen in future?


​Attitudes in our time are formed by 'the Idiot Box'...consumers do not exist in a cultural vacuum. It is no longer parents or teachers who bring up children and young people. Corporations do. Their marketing divisions are spending billions to shape the minds and hearts and dreams (if not also the DNA!) of the young...so yes, a LOT of fundamental attitudinal changes are in order! But corporations will be the last to want to change all this...it will take radical public education.

As someone suggested in our discussion the other evening, it will take a series of mighty shocks to some of the world's metropolitan centres ​for a sustained attitudinal change which will take account of 'inconvenient truths'. 

But to know where to turn and what to do in such moments of grave crises as are staring at us from the future, we have to prepare the thinking for the road(s) ahead from now. So, hereon,  it is always going to be timely to speak about ecological democracy. A clear vision is needed.


6. The latest draft policy on innovation does touch upon promoting Indian craft. I need to check that but I am sure it also talks about smaller finances for promoting localized innovations.
Prof Anil Gupta in IIMA works on grassroot innovations and could provide more insight in this subject.


​Yes, indeed. I had a good look at his impressive 'Shodhyatra' exhibition on your campus day before yesterday...this is definitely the way forward. Have a look at the discussion on Malkha/DCYT and Kutambakkam in Part II of Churning the Earth.​


7. When I heard about Ecological democracy..it made me remember about the book Earth Democracy by Dr. Vandana Shiva.  How is Ecological Democracy different Earth Democracy and also from the concept of 'eco-centric development'?


​It is similar to Shiva's notion, insofar as I am familiar with it. But I suspect that there are some differences to do with what the concept of 'Harit Swaraaj' means. To me, democracy leaves the individual ​unchanged, confusing freedom with political liberty. This is not so with 'Swaraaj', whereby the individual is radically transformed through social action and spiritual self-realisation. The latter is key to Swaraaj, it is not so to democracy. 

CHURNING THE EARTH: THE MAKING OF GLOBAL INDIA

CHURNING THE EARTH was published (in Hardback) by Penguin in May, 2012. The paperback edition appeared in January 2014. The Hindi version (which is the translation of an abridged version) will be published by Rajkamal Prakashan later this year (in 2015).

The book's website has links to all the reviews in over two dozen journals, magazines and newspapers. It also has links to the book's Amazon and Facebook pages:

http://www.amazon.com/Churning-Earth-Making-Global-India/dp/0670086258/

https://www.facebook.com/churningtheearth

Sunday, 11 January 2015

Dignity of the Earth: TEDx talk

In the wake of "a smarter planet", complete with the most advanced technology, we seem to have succeeded in virtualising all realities. Has the ‘digital condition’ alienated human cognition further from the natural world? Have we lost touch with the real altogether?

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z1eOb3C8JsI

Published on Jan 5, 2015